Ian Welsh

The horizon is not so far as we can see, but as far as we can imagine

Week-end Wrap – Political Economy – November 21, 2021

by Tony Wikrent

Conservative / Libertarian Drive to Civil War

Notes on an Authoritarian Conspiracy: Inside the Claremont Institute’s “79 Days to Inauguration”

[The Bulwark, via The Big Picture 11-14-2021]

… report published in mid-October 2020 by the Claremont Institute and Texas Public Policy Foundation’s (TPPF) called “79 Days to Inauguration,” prepared by “Constitutional scholars, along with experts in election law, foreign affairs, law enforcement, and media . . . coordinated by a retired military officer experienced in running hundreds of wargames.”

Among these luminaries were figures such as John Eastman—lawyer for Donald Trump and author of a memo advising Vice President Mike Pence to unilaterally block certification of Joe Biden’s win in order to buy time for GOP-controlled state legislatures to send competing slates of electors—and K.T. McFarland, who served as deputy national security advisor under Michael Flynn in the Trump White House.

Other participants include Kevin Roberts, then-executive director of the Texas Public Policy Foundation (soon to be head of the Heritage Foundation), Jeff Giesea, “a [Peter] Thiel protégé and secret funder of alt-right causes,” and Charles Haywood, a fringe blogger who anxiously awaits an American “Caesar, authoritarian reconstructor of our institutions.”

….Practically, the report is an instruction manual for how Trump partisans at all levels of government—aided by citizen “posses” of Proud Boys and Oath Keepers—could, quite literally, round up opposition activists, kill their leaders, and install Donald Trump for a second term in office….

are via emailThere’s more irony in how the task force imagines right-wing gangs would operate during such a period: with quiet discipline and in cooperation with law enforcement…. In reading the report, it becomes clear that task force participants see law enforcement as a critical adjunct to the more traditional political actors and that they believe law enforcement could act with greater impunity and force, independent from—and at times in defiance of—elected leaders…. Earlier this year the Claremont Institute created a Sheriffs Fellowship program. Claremont claims that this program will offer “training of unparalleled depth and excellence in American political thought and institutions.” But then, this is the same group that produced a report hoping that “several sheriffs in conservative counties” would give groups like the Proud Boys actual legal authority.

According to ConservativeTransparency.org, the largest funders of the Claremont Institute are the Sarah Scaife Foundation ($300,000 to $400,000 a year for the past several years; the John M. Olin Foundation ($100,000 annually), and The Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation ($100,000 annually). The Sarah Scaife Foundation is part of the late Richard Mellon Scaife network, whose wealth was inherited from the Mellon banking family.In a healthy republic, dedicated to promoting the General Welfare, the rich would not be allowed to pass massive wealth from from one generation to another, thus solving the two interrelated problems of wealth inequality, and the worsening sclerosis and maintenance deprivation of the national economy and physical infrastructure. The Wikipedia entry states that in April 2021, Claremont senior fellow Glenn Ellmers wrote an essay in Claremont’s The American Mind,  “ “Conservatism” is no Longer Enough: All hands on deck as we enter the counter-revolutionary moment,” arguing that the United States had been destroyed by internal enemies and that

“Let’s be blunt. The United States has become two nations occupying the same country. When pressed, or in private, many would now agree. Fewer are willing to take the next step and accept that most people living in the United States today—certainly more than half—are not Americans in any meaningful sense of the term…. “They do not believe in, live by, or even like the principles, traditions, and ideals that until recently defined America as a nation and as a people. It is not obvious what we should call these citizen-aliens, these non-American Americans; but they are something else.”

 

Menace Enters the Republican Mainstream

[New York Times, via The Big Picture 11-14-2021]

Threats of violence have become commonplace among a significant part of the party, as historians and those who study democracy warn of a dark shift in American politics.

At a conservative rally in western Idaho last month, a young man stepped up to a microphone to ask when he could start killing Democrats.

“When do we get to use the guns?” he said as the audience applauded. “How many elections are they going to steal before we kill these people?”

2021 Fundraiser

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I’m going to keep the goals simple this year.

$5000 – A longer article on the collapse of the USSR, putting everything I’m aware of together. In particular I want to discuss the steps Gorbachev took which seem like either gross stupidity or intentional destruction. The fall of the Soviet Union was studied in great detail by the Chinese Communist Party, and has informed their actions since.

$8,000 – A summary of world system analysis as practiced mainly by Immanuel Wallerstein, with a look at what it means for the future. World system analysis takes capitalism as a world system, and looks at how it has re-ordered the entire relationship of nations, subordinating them to its needs, though about 5 centuries. We can see clearly that most countries today are not sovereign, but subject to the system as a whole, this is true to some extent even of the hegemonic power, the US. Wallerstein thinks this world system is played out, and we’ll look at why. (Wallerstein, like Randall Collins predicted the collapse of the USSR in advance, using his model, when almost all specialists in the USSR did not see it coming.)

$10,000 – A longish look at the theory of revolutions: when they happen and why, drawing on people like Randall Collins and Michael Mann. Most of what they have is based on the experience of Agrarian empires, so I’ll try and extend it a bit to industrial nations, and also look at what it means for a world system to collapse. World systems prior to capitalism didn’t include the entire world (and capitalism didn’t till the mid 19 the century), so we can see what happened, for example, when the Roman Empire collapsed.

$11,500 – An essay on the effect of computer and telecom technology on humanity. Neil Postman, in Technopoly, back in the 1990s predicted it would be bad for most people, and I would argue it has or will be, but we’ll take a look at the ups and down, the affects on economics, geopolitics and daily life. As with writing and printing and firearms, the early results may not be the same as those in the longer term, so we’ll try and figure out some of those.

2021 has been a hard year for many. If you’re worried about food or rent or other necessities, please don’t give. If, on the other hand, you can afford to and value my writing, I’d appreciate it. The year has taken a toll.

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Open Thread

As most of the recent posts have had restrictive comments policies, feel free to discuss unrelated topics here.

Ideology: Political Concepts Chapter 3

Previous: Ideology

(Introduction and Table of Contents)

At first glance ideology and legitimacy seem identical, because ideology determines legitimacy.

An ideology is a story about how the world is, and how it should be. Most ideologies include:

  • A theory of human nature, which determines how they think people should be treated.

  • A vision of what the good life is.

  • An ideal type of person, who is most virtuous.

  • And, combined, these determine what sort of world an ideology’s believers should try to create.

The best way to explore this is to look at some ideologies, both recent ones (which we have emotions about) and older ones we are somewhat disconnected from.

Economism is a modern ideology. The great early ideologue (story-teller) associated with it is Adam Smith, and his book, “The Wealth of Nations.” Economism posits that people are self interested, indeed selfish, and that the best way to run society is to run with this: people pursuing their own self-interest will create a good society.

Economism also posits that people pursue their own well-being and know what is good for them. Thus if someone buys something, or does something for money, well, that thing must be of benefit. There may be exceptions, and Adam Smith recognized quite a few, but they are exceptions, and Smith’s heirs have often reduced the number of exceptions.

To manage people in Economism you manage incentives: you change tax schemes, you reward people with money who do what you want, and you take money away from people who don’t do what you want. Since people buy what is good for them, if someone makes a lot of money selling things, well, they must be increasing human well-being and they therefore not only deserve to keep the money they have gained, but they should have that money because with that money they can do even more, and thus increase human well being even more.

Thus Economism tends to lead to money pooling at the top, with people who have produced products that other people buy. Sometimes these products aren’t really products (in finance), sometimes they are (iPods, cars, Smart Phones, computers, washing machines, etc…) Sometimes they are good for people (penicillin), and sometimes they are bad for people (cigarettes, most social media) but Economism is very bad at recognizing that anyone who has money may not have increased welfare (which it doesn’t really believe in, instead using utility); that some products are actually harmful even if people like them, or that just because someone created a great product or series of products, doesn’t mean they will do more good with their money.

From a “stay in power” point of view, what is important about any ideology is that it empowers those who follow its precepts, and dis-empowers those who don’t do what it requires. I trust it’s obvious how Economism (capitalism) does that: money is power and people who don’t value money don’t tend to get a lot of money, and thus power.

Economism is at the core of capitalism. Without it we wouldn’t be capitalist, because it wouldn’t make sense to us to organize our societies this way. But we have made modifications to it at times. After the Great Depression, for example, we realized that if the rich were too rich, there weren’t enough customers with money, and that regulations were needed to keep capitalism from capsizing. So, in the US from about 1932, and in the rest of the “West” after the war we had policies to keep wages and prices of goods (but not houses or education) up, to discourage too much speculation in financial markets and to share the wealth.

That sub-ideology, which can be divided into the New Deal (32-46) and Post-war liberalism (46 to somewhere between 68 and 80), was destroyed when the oil shocks and inflation + high unemployment happened in the 70s, and in 1979 in Britain, and 1980 in the U.S. we moved over to neoliberalism, which is described well by the form of Economism I highlighted.

Possibly the best way to think of ideologies is as instruments meant to create a type of society. All forms of capitalism feature wage labor, concentration of capital and a primary role for markets: they all create powerful capitalists and remove capital (the means of production) from most of the rest of society.

But New Deal/Post War Liberalism created a large middle class, and even manufacturing workers could support a four person family on one salary, while neoliberalism produced a society where the good working class jobs were lost and families needed two salaries and a lot of debt to get along, while all unavoidable costs like healthcare and housing and education (since almost all good jobs are closed without it) skyrocketed.

However post-war liberalism had a dark side: the exclusion of women from the work force. The post-war era excluded women much more than the New Deal period had, and more than had been the case in the previous laissez-faire form which ended in the 20s. This was not accidental, it was part of the design: to keep wages high, you want a smaller workforce, so less people are competing for jobs. Make it so half the population can’t compete for any jobs outside the pink-collar ghetto, and you’re a long way there.

All ideologies have shadows. In some cases we may judge the shadow to be more than half the ideology: an ideology which justifies widespread slavery might be considered to do more harm than good, and many women might prefer neoliberalism, for all its problems, to post-war liberalism: neoliberalism wanted the biggest workforce possible, to drive down wages, so was OK with letting women work (though there was and still is a lot of prejudice and structural issue, societies turn slowly, like cruise ships.)

The other ruling ideology of the West, though in a lot of danger and retreat today, is representative Democracy.

As a rule, most societies have two to three ruling ideologies, usually with two of them in the cat seat. For most of the European Dark and Middle Ages, those were Christianity and Feudalism, but by the 1100s there is an oncoming commercial/city ideology which eventually turns into the bourgeoisie and later into capitalism. Free cities were ruled by guild masters and merchants and the church, not by the feudal nobility. These people had an ideology which opposed Feudalism, though not so much the church, but they were a minority and far weaker than either Church or the nobility.

Democracy is the most important ideology in our societies other than Capitalism. It is democracy which rescued capitalism, thru high Keynesian spending, price and wage supports and laws forbidding the worst financial excesses, after capitalism drove much of the world into a Great Depression.

In healthy periods, the ruling ideologies complement each other: stopping the worst excesses of the other ideology, and mitigating flaws. Welfare, universal health care, securities laws, industrial policy, and so on are ways that representative democracy manages, or in many cases managed (it now encourages the excesses, rather than mitigating them) capitalism.

Representative democracy is the story and belief that people have the right to choose those who rule them, and that no one who is not chosen by the population has a right to make public decisions.

This story puts democracy in fairly direct opposition to capitalism, because capitalists have a great deal of power to make public decisions, and are not chosen by the people. There’s a lot of effort in some circles to deny this opposition, by suggesting that consuming is the equivalent of democracy, but at the core the two ideologies have opposing visions.

A modus vivendi has been created, in which capitalists often talk up democracy and democratic governments claims that capitalism causes democracy (the Chinese beg to differ). Democrats in effect sanctify capitalism, and capitalism sometimes nods back and sanctifies democracy.

This is similar to the Catholic Church in the Middle Ages with the divine right of kings, and support for feudalism, even though it is hard to see most of Jesus’s teachings as supportive of wealth and power, save for the famous “Render unto Caesar.”

But the Church, in healthy periods, served many of the same purposes as Democracy does for Capitalism: it reined in the worst excesses. Churches were centers of charity, Popes often tried to enforce peace and mitigate the damage of feudal wars, and monasteries kept alive literacy and learning in a Europe which otherwise didn’t care for it.

Likewise capitalism might be seen as providing a market dynamism which democracy, by itself, would lack.

Each ideology is also a danger to the other. Democracies may decide that capital shouldn’t be controlled by private individuals and that markets should be regulated to such a point that capitalists feel they can barely operate. Capitalists upon becoming rich generally try and buy government, and often succeed, as they have in the United States and Britain as of this writing in 2021.

(I am fundraising to determine how much I’ll write this year. If you value my writing and want more of it, please consider donating.)

In time not only sub-ideologies change, but ruling ideologies rise and fall. Neither the church nor feudal nobles or even aristocrats rule much of anything any more. (Churches have hung on a bit better.)

The important thing, however, is to see that ideologies are stories about how the world is, and should be, and that those stories tell us how we should act, who should run our societies and what sort of societies it is right and good for them to create.

Ideologies do not float free of material circumstances. An ideology is constrained by technology and geography, and stories must explain our lives. A story which does not make sense any more will lose much of its power, as when the French Philosophes essentially demolished French aristocracy and much of the Christianity’s claim to be good rather than evil, or even make any sense. This was possible because even French aristocrats found it impossible to defend themselves as being better than others or doing anything to deserve their titles. Old-style feudal nobles, who ran their own estates, fought in wars and were generally healthier, stronger and a lot better in a fight than non-nobles would have laughed off such criticisms.

Because this is a short booklet, we can’t go a lot more into the details of how ideologies work. My upcoming “The Creation of Reality” deals with ideology at much greater length.

But we do need to understand what makes stories work; where ideologies get their power from. Just as legitimacy is powered by ideology, ideology is powered by identification and that is what we’ll discuss next.

Next: Identification


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Legitimacy (Political Concepts Chapter 2)

Previous: Politics Itself

(Introduction and Table of Contents)

Legitimacy is the belief that the people who make decisions for a society have the right to do so. It includes how those people are selected, as in democracy or monarchy, as well as how they are selected, what sort of decisions they can or should make (a monarch is not supposed to violate feudal rights, the US Constitution says they can’t make laws regulating speech or assembly), and what sort of people they are.

Legitimacy is a result of feelings. A constitution can say something is OK (slavery, perhaps) and in time that may become unacceptable. Whether written or unwritten, what people believe and feel is paramount, written constitutions simply set bright lines so one can say “this was not intended by those who wrote the constitution.”

For most of America history all politicians were male and of European descent. Those were the people who should be in charge. During the post war period you almost couldn’t get elected if you weren’t for New Deal style policies, since Reagan it’s nearly impossible to be elected if you are for those policies.

Legitimacy is important even in the rawest and most despotic of regimes: if power comes out of a barrel of a gun or at the edge of a sword, then the enforcement class, at least, must feel the government is legitimate. Often this is done by making the enforcement class the government: in feudal areas the armed nobility are in charge; in Athens the electorate essentially amounted to those males who were militarily useful, and Roman citizenship was similar: Senators fought, during the early and middle Republic even more than commoners, When Hannibal wiped out a Roman army at Cannae, killing seventy-thousand men, about one-third of the Senate was wiped out.

When Russia fell to the Communists, the Cossacks which the government had been expecting to save them chose not to relieve the besieged government, and their own guards, military cadets, mostly did not fight, though they were sufficient in number that they might have held off the attackers. Meanwhile the attacking forces were swollen with navy sailors who had gone over to the other side.

More recently, the USSR’s communist regime certainly had enough soldiers to stay in power, but even the ruling class felt they didn’t have the legitimacy to use them.

This points to the fact that legitimacy varies by group. Different groups have different ideas (ideologies) about legitimacy: what it is, who should have it and so on. The French revolution happened, in large part, because the Philosophes had spent almost a hundred years undermining the legitimacy of France’s monarchy: even many nobles could not make the case that they deserved to rule and no other group in France solidly believed it, though many were largely agnostic to the issue, which was almost as bad, since when push came to guillotine, they would not fight for the Ancien Regime.

Revolution is generally a result of splits in the elite classes, with some opposed to the government taking resources from them; an unwillingness of the enforcement class to prop up the state, often, but not always because a fiscal crisis has left the under or short-paid, and a rising from below of commoners.

Declines or increases in how legitimate elite and enforcer sub-groups feel the government is are most important for revolution, but not all losses of legitimacy lead to revolution, per se. In such cases the split is usually between elite factions, each mobilizing support from commoners.

The elections of Thatcher and Reagan can be seen as sub-ideological transitions: from post-war capitalism, which optimized for increasing wages and for equality, to neo-liberalism, which optimized for asset price increases and keeping increases in non-elite wages below the rate of inflation. In neither case was the government overthrown, but in both cases there was a switch in natural ruling party (from Labour to Conservative in the UK; from Democratic to Republican in the US) and the second party, under Clinton and Blair, accepted the newly legitimate ideology. Thatcher said that her greatest victory was when Labour agreed with how she ran the government and economy.

In both cases, support was bought: Thatcher let Brits who lived in council housing buy it for below its value; Reagan’s policies (primarily carried out thru the Federal Reserve & the Treasury) led to multi-generational faster-than-inflation increases in housing and stock prices, meaning anyone who already had a house or could get in in the first couple decades; or who could afford to buy stocks and hold, did very very well.

Legitimacy changes over time, in both smaller ways (sub-ideological transitions, like the ones in 79/80 and 1932) and in larger ways. Feudalism was entirely legitimate in most of Europe for almost a thousand years, even most revolutionaries would set up a new feudal regime and not overthrow feudalism. Monarchism, though not identical to feudalism, was still the default for most of Europe in the early 19th century: when Napoleon was defeated, he was replaced by a monarch in the Bourbon restoration.

A hundred years later, when the allies defeated the Germans and Austrians in World War I, they forced the monarchs of those nations to step down and set up democratic states.

Legitimacy thus changes over time and differs between different groups in society and different nations in the world. The Japanese did not feel that their Emperor was illegitimate, they just lost World War II to a country which did.

It’s also important to understand the difference between legitimacy of a system and legitimacy of incumbents. Perhaps a king is illegitimate, but monarchy is not: many wars were fought over this. Perhaps a party is no longer considered legitimate and is wiped out, as happened to the American Whig party. The Republican party  replaced it: anti-slavery and pro-industrialization and financial industry. In Britain the Whig party was not wiped out, but it became the third party, and Labour replaced it as one of the two primary parties who switch power with each other regularly.

The type of person who should rule also changes. At one time even in most democratic states, most of those in the legislature belonged to the old aristocracy. In time they were replaced by members of the bourgeoisie. Long before that the old urban elites of the Roman empire mostly lost their power (outside of Italy) to landed feudal nobility.

Once a group stops feeling a way of governing or a governing group is legitimate, they stop supporting that group or that way. Because force is inefficient (we’ll discuss this later), states where large groups don’t agree with the legitimacy of the rulers or government become less and less powerful.

When enough people and groups controlling enough resources: economic, violent and ideological no longer believe in the legitimacy of government, it is only a matter of time before that government falls, and if they don’t believe in the type of government, before that type is replaced.

A recent example of loss of legitimacy is that, as of August, 2021, about two-thirds of Republicans think that the 2020 US election was stolen. One-third felt violence was justified.

This makes total sense from an ideological legitimacy point of view: in a Democracy, an election is legitimate if, and only if, the candidate who takes power won by the rules, which includes all the votes being fairly counted. If the candidate didn’t, then the President (in this case) is not legitimate: they don’t have the right to power, or to make rules or enforce decisions.

The American state came about because of “taxation without representation”, and the revolution was violent. Violence is part of the American founding mythology and is justified by not having democratic representation.

That you only have the right to rule if fairly elected is an idea, and so also is that violence is acceptable to overthrow someone who wasn’t legitimately elected. That many people argue that Biden was fairly elected, makes the point: the argument isn’t about whether elections should be fair, but whether this election was.

Whether the US government has enough legitimacy to continue to rule is something that will be determined in the future, that it lost legitimacy in the 2020 election is clear, and that it has been losing legitimacy for some decades also seems clear.

Legitimacy is ultimately a result of ideas and identity: groups form because of identity, and ideas tell those groups whether or not rulers or ruling regimes are legitimate. While ideology is not separate from material circumstances or technology, ideas are the immediate cause of loss of legitimacy and the proximate cause of real changes in politics.

Which leads us, then, to ideology, which rules so much of the world even as we moderns pretend it doesn’t and that only other people have ideologies, while we are simply practical.

Next: Ideology


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Political Concepts: Politics Itself (Ch #1)

(Introduction and Table of Contents)

When I sat down to decide which ten concepts were important enough to be included in this booklet I quickly realized the first concept had to be that of politics itself. While it smacks of college essays to define terms, it’s unavoidable, so:

Politics is how groups decide what they will and won’t do, what they should and shouldn’t and do, and what is good or bad.

Politics determines who makes decisions and how; who enforces those decisions and how, and even what we should believe.

In 1959 the Sociologist C. Wright Mills published the classic book, “The Sociological Imagination.” In it he wrote:

The facts of contemporary history are also facts about the success and the failure of individual men and women. When a society is industrialized, a peasant becomes a worker; a feudal lord is liquidated or becomes a businessman. When classes rise or fall, a person is employed or unemployed; when the rate of investment goes up or down, a person takes new heart or goes broke. When wars happen, an insurance salesperson becomes a rocket launcher; a store clerk, a radar operator; a wife or husband lives alone; a child grows up without a parent. Neither the life of an individual nor the history of a society can be understood without understanding both.

Climate change, including the vast wildfires we have recently seen in multiple countries, was both caused and not stopped by political choices.

In 1970 a single job in America or much of the Western world could support an entire family. A house cost two to three times one’s annual salary. Tuition at most universities was either free or nominal. Today most young people can’t afford homes; working class jobs in major cities can barely pay for a one-bedroom apartment let alone support a family, and tuition is so high that students spend decades in debt.

This is not accidental: New Deal and post-War politics was set up to keep wages and prices for goods high, and to keep asset prices low. It systematically reduced the proportion of wealth and income the top of society controlled and increased the proportion the middle and working classes controlled.

After 1979/80, with the elections of Thatcher and Reagan, policy shifted to deliberately keeping wages lower than inflation, supposedly to “fight inflation.” Taxes on the rich were dropped radically, unearned money was favored over earned, and asset prices, like stocks and housing, were deliberately inflated. Tuition soared, free tuition went the way of the Dodo, while good jobs were locked behind degree requirements, and every generation after the Boomers was poorer than the generation before.

These were political choices: deliberate government policies caused much of this. Yes, there was an oil shock (also a political event), but how it was responded to was not predetermined, other options existed, like pushing down hard on using less energy thru changing housing and crashing renewable energy technology, but those paths were not taken, though those who remember the 70s know they were debated extensively.

Had they be taken, renewable energy would have been as advanced by the late 90s as it is today. The choice to go to austerity for the working and middle class and enrich the richest, was the choice to stay on oil and coal, and directly responsible for the onrushing climate crisis. (Let no one pretend we did not know about global warming by 1980.)

So politics matters. It exists anywhere there is more than one human: there are politics of friend groups, marriages, families, clubs, corporations and countries, as well as international politics.

Politics determines

  • Who has the good life.
  • It determines what the good life is. Vast amounts of effort went into making suburbs viable because that was the image of the good life we had after WWII. Suburbs are unproductive: there are almost no jobs, they are pure consumption, they don’t make sense environmentally or economically, instead they were a choice because we believed the single family home with a picket fence and lawn was the ideal.

  • Politics determines what sort of person is allowed the good life. The Covid pandemic has revealed that the most important people in the economy are those who actually produce and transport goods and foods; they are also among the worst paid and treated people in our societies. We don’t value them, or think they should have a good life. Doctors, CEOs, executives, lawyers and so on, on the other hand, should. They “deserve” it. (Teachers and nurses, not so much.)

  • Politics determines how you get the good life. In our society this usually means doing well in school and university, and acting a certain way. Everyone who’s worked both blue collar and white collar jobs knows that the manners and mores are very different. As for university, the richer your parents are, the more likely you are to go, and the more likely you are to make it thru. Working class Americans mostly don’t finish bachelor degrees even when they start them.

  • Politics determines hat proportion of the population does what: how many farmers there are, how many doctors, how many blue collar workers, factory jobs, rich people and so on. There are limits here: agricultural societies always have way more farmers, but within what your technology and geography allow, what people do is decided mostly politically. The offshoring of well paid manufacturing jobs from the US and Britain (which Britain is paying dearly for as I write) was a political decision. It was cloaked in “we have no choice” but there were choices; the choice of keeping those jobs in the US and Britain did not appear to the political class and the wealthy, to make as much money for the wealthy.

  • Politics determines what the physical world looks like. Vast suburbs are a choice. High rises are a choice. Endless concrete and asphalt is a choice. Ugly cities are a choice. Entire forests cut down is a choice. The very world you walk thru is a human creation, the natural world moulded by our decisions.

Politics is not all-powerful. Nature is, in the end, the final arbiter, as Covid and onrushing climate change are teaching us. Technology and geography limit what is possible.

But within those limits, politics is the most immediate and powerful force in our lives. We pretend that what happens to us is “individual” but it isn’t: even that which seems most clearly individual isn’t.

Warren Buffet, the billionaire, has noted that in a different society or time his abilities would not have been rewarded as they have. Absent basketball, there would be a lot fewer rich 7 foot tall men in America. The nerdy abilities that made Bill Gates rich would not have been rewarded nearly so heavily had he been born even 20 years earlier, even his ruthlessness would not have had so high a reward.

Most of successes of members of the GI, Silent and Boomer generations would have been impossible had they been born as members of the Lost Generation, even assuming they didn’t die in World War I or the great Flu pandemic right after the war. In fact, many would have lost all in the great crash of 29 and the Great Depression, and never recovered.

Equally today’s rich are still rich because in 2008 the Federal Reserve and other central banks created as much money as necessary, and guaranteed their losses. This was a political decision, and it occurred because the rich controlled the central banks, the politicians, and were willing to do anything to ensure they did not lose everything, which they would have, since even those who had “won” had lost. (If your uncle bet you a a million dollars, then goes bankrupt, you do not get a million bucks.) Not a single major US bank or brokerage would not have been forced into government control if the Fed had not bailed them out.

While this was hailed as “saving the economy” and in a sense it was, it also made sure the rich maintained political control and could continue to impoverish the working and middle class. It meant no FDR and no New Deal was possible this time.

In the 1960s married women could not have their own bank accounts without their husband’s permission. American blacks could not sit at the front of buses. Most schools were segregated. In the 19th century women couldn’t vote. When the US first came into being men had to have a certain amount of property or they couldn’t vote.

Before World War II far more women worked in the US; it was a political choice to drive women out of the workforce and prefer men to the extent America did in the 50s and 60s.

It’s all politics; all the way down.

There are other forces, even human forces, to be sure, but politics has the most immediate effect on our lives of anything humans have control over.

Politics matters, so now let’s look at how and why it works.

Next: Legitimacy


(My writing helps pay my rent and buys me food. So please consider subscribing or donating if you like my writing.)

Week-end Wrap – Political Economy – November 14, 2021

by Tony Wikrent

Strategic Political Economy

China files 2.5 times more patent applications than U.S. in 2020

[Xinhua, via Mike Norman Economics 11-8-2021]

China’s intellectual property (IP) office led the world in 2020 by reporting 1.5 million patent applications, 2.5 times more than the United States, which ranked second, the World

Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) said on Monday….Industrial design is another area where China has taken the lead, followed by the EU, South Korea, the United States and Turkey.…

 

Civic republicanism and the looming civil war

“Madison Saw Something in the Constitution We Should Open Our Eyes To” 

[Jamelle Bouie, New York Times, via Naked Capitalism Water Cooler 11-12-2021] This is very good. The scene-setting:

Not content to simply count on the traditional midterm swing against the president’s party, Republicans are set to gerrymander their way to a House majority next year…. It is true that Democrats have pursued their own aggressive gerrymanders in Maryland and Illinois, but it is also true that the Democratic Party is committed, through its voting rights bills, to ending partisan gerrymandering altogether…. The larger context of the Republican Party’s attempt to gerrymander itself into a House majority is its successful effort to gerrymander itself into long-term control of state legislatures across the country. In Michigan, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and other states, Republicans have built legislative majorities sturdy enough to withstand all but the most crushing ‘blue wave.’ And in the age of Donald Trump, they are using their majorities to seize control of election administration in states all over the country, on the basis of an outlandish but still influential claim that the Constitution gives sovereign power over elections to state legislatures….

In Article IV, Section 4, the Constitution says, “The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened) against domestic Violence.”

In this vision of the Guarantee Clause, the touchstone for “a republican form of government” is political equality, and when a state imposes political inequality beyond a certain point, Congress or the federal courts step in to restore the balance…. Still, a broad understanding of the Guarantee Clause might be a potent weapon for Congress if a Democratic majority ever worked up the will to go on the offensive against state legislatures that violated basic principles of political equality.

 

“An Open Letter in Defense of Democracy”

Todd Gitlin, Jeffrey C. Isaac, and William Kristol [The Bulwark, via Naked Capitalism Water Cooler 11-12-2021]

“Liberal democracy depends on free and fair elections, respect for the rights of others, the rule of law, a commitment to truth and tolerance in our public discourse. All of these are now in serious danger. The primary source of this danger is one of our two major national parties, the Republican Party, which remains under the sway of Donald Trump and Trumpist authoritarianism. Unimpeded by Trump’s defeat in 2020 and unfazed by the January 6 insurrection, Trump and his supporters actively work to exploit anxieties and prejudices, to promote reckless hostility to the truth and to Americans who disagree with them, and to discredit the very practice of free and fair elections in which winners and losers respect the peaceful transfer of power.”

Lambert Strether: If you take Bouie’s article above seriously, this is not true. It takes a long time to take control of state legislatures, and it also takes time to seize control over election administration. Again, it’s not an issue of personality. It’s a party movement that began before Trump, and would continue if (say) Chris Christie ran and won in 2024.

Political Concepts: Introduction and Table Of Contents

I thought hard about what concepts to include in this little booklet, and how to talk about them. Broadly speaking two approaches were possible: I could draw on my reading and give a summary of how the terms are usually used in the social sciences or I could convey my understanding.

I have come down on the side of explaining how I understand and use various political concepts, first because anyone who wants to know the standard usage can find it on the Web or in sociological and political science textbooks; and second because people who read me (and who gave to the fundraiser) will mostly find my understanding more useful and interesting. While these concepts cover only a small piece of my world-view, it’s an important one, and it’s a chunk of the model I use to understand and then explain the world when I write.

The first draft of the chapters are written except for the conclusion, and I’m currently editing them.

Over the next two to three weeks I’ll intersperse these articles with other posts. I’ll update the Table Of Contents as each chapter is published, link to the Table of Contents and the previous and next chapter in each piece, and at the end I’ll delete this paragraph and the preceding one.

In general terms, we will be looking at politics thru a lens of legitimacy, ideology, identity and power: seeing what forces form the groups and coalitions which jockey for power and how the forces determine who wins and what they do, and are able to do, with the power they win. Despite how that may sound, the booklet isn’t primarily about elections because most elections change little, they elect people who will do about the same things their predecessors did. Elections that signal great change, like Thatcher and Reagan in 1979 and 1980, or FDR in 1932, are rare, and and those I do discuss.

Sadly, despite many efforts, politics is social, and no one other than Hari Seldon has managed to create an effective science of history. There are no social physics, and any set of tools requires understanding to use. That said, my goal (over more than half my lifetime) has been to understand social forces well enough so that as a race, we humans can perhaps not just understand them, but gain some control over them; creating history, rather than being its victims.

It is my hope that this little booklet will contribute to that project.

Finally, I want to thank everyone who donated to the 2020 fundraiser, which made this possible. I appreciate it more than most reads likely realize.

Table Of Contents

(As the chapters are published, I will link to them here)

Introduction and Table of Contents

Politics Itself

Legitimacy

Ideology

Identity

Groups and Coalitions

Environment

Economy

Power

Government

International Government and Relations

Conclusion


(My writing helps pay my rent and buys me food. So please consider subscribing or donating if you like my writing.)

 

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